Egypt’s best known journalist presents an indictment of Sadat’s domestic and international policies, finding his role of superstar of the media purchased at the. Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, the renowned Egyptian journalist, writes on the first page of Autumn of Fury that he was “very fond of Sadat as a man.” The reader. Autumn of Fury: The Assassination of Sadat During the few moments that passed between the murder of Sadat and the seizure of his.

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The above text may be reposted, forwarded, or translated so long as it is presented as an integral whole with complete information about its author, date, place of publication, as well as the original URL. This sort of attitude gives one little confidence in the author.

Autumn of Fury: The Assassination of Sadat :: Reviewed by Daniel Pipes

Then came massage from his personal masseur, some physical exercises, and a bath. Along similar lines, Heikal argues that “the forces which conspired against Sadat were just as much a part of the mainstream in Egyptian society as were the forces which overthrew the Shah from the mainstream in Iran.

But the real purpose is quite different; to revive the memory of Sadat’s predecessor, Gamal Abdul Nasser. Contrary to what Heikal reports, the Israelis have never demanded the expulsion of the Murabitun militia from Lebanon “on the grounds that they represent a threat to Israel’s security.

AUTUMN OF FURY: The Assassination of Sadat by Mohamed Heikal | Kirkus Reviews

He vehemently disagrees with Sadat’s strategy of pursuing a limited war to lay the ground for permanent peace, arguing that this missed a great opportunity. Heikal also fails in the matter of accuracy. Heikal implies that the abandonment of Nasser’s policies of socialism, neutralism, and pan-Arabism explains Egypt’s present woes.

Sign up here to receive your FREE alerts. Reasoned disagreement is welcome but not comments that are scurrilous, off-topic, commercial, disparaging religions, or otherwise inappropriate. Heikal rose to prominence as Nasser’s personal confidant, and for many years he served as the Egyptian government’s spokesman.


Heikal’s description of autimn Camp David accords kf so distorted, the accords are almost unrecognizable: Contributions are tax deductible to the full extent allowed by law. The ostensible purpose of the book is to explain to Westerners assassiantion events leading up to Sadat’s assassination. Sadat arrested the loyal opposition and mishandled the growing Islamic and Coptic movements.

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He tolerated corruption among his family and cronies. A more persuasive case against Sadat would analyze why he was alone in the quest for peace, and therefore could not ot a broader settlement, and why Egypt’s economic problems have defeated fur Nasser’s socialism and Sadat’s free-enterprise policies. Rather than guess mistakenly, he would do better to ignore Mohamed Heikal’s angry testimony and await a more solid account.

Do his facts match those in the public record and are his judgments trustworthy? Heikal, the last Nasserist, is dead at A polemic written with the single-minded purpose of destroying a man’s reputation cannot be relied upon as biography. Nevertheless, Heikal’s book is very readable and, like David Hirst and Irene Beeson’s sadta one-sided biography, reflects a view widespread in the Arab world.

Most of what Heikal writes in Autumn of Fury is new and much of it is damning. Today, as the most visible and articulate keeper of the Nasserist legacy, his abiding desire is to reinstate Nasser’s reputation and policies.

assaszination Still, one cannot dismiss as mere resentment Heikal’s description of the new rich class of entrepreneurs created by Sadat’s economic policies, and its pervasive corruption; nor can one write off his remarks on Sadat’s growing political isolation and its outcome–popular unrest, communal violence, political repression, and the growth of underground anti-regime movements.

The argument’s credibility is diminished by Heikal’s scapegoating of Sadat for Egypt’s costly Yemenite adventures under Nasser and indicting him for not exploiting the Arab “”victory”” inwhile ignoring the military and political forces arrayed against him.

Rather, this was a political maneuver to escape domestic economic problems, nothing more: The Assassination of Sadat By. Here, substantiating the charge that Aesassination was self-indulgent and isolated, is an account of the President’s daily routine: We read on one page that King Hassan of Morocco met the Prime Minister of Israel in April ; but two pages later, in the course of describing a meeting in SeptemberHeikal says that “King Hassan had from time to time met Israelis, but never one quite so highly placed as [Foreign Minister Moshe] Dayan.


Heikal scorns Sadat’s surest claim against history, his trip to Jerusalem and the ensuing peace between Egypt and Israel, for producing no tangible rewards for Egypt the restoration of Egyptian sovereignty over the Sinai is relegated to a footnote and for betraying the Arab cause as well as Egypt’s historic role as leader of the Arab world.

Once a year he personally supervised “a bonfire in which all papers he thought would be better forgotten were destroyed”—papers dealing with the disbursement of secret funds and transcriptions of telephone conversations. Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, the renowned Egyptian journalist, writes on the first page of Autumn of Fury that he was “very fond of Sadat as a man. He repeatedly took priceless Egyptian antiquities off display at the Egyptian Museum and gave them to foreign friends.

Not even the Swiss can do that. Sadat had found that vodka was a helpful stimulant Each week, our editors select the one author and one book they believe to be most worthy of your attention and highlight them in our Pro Connect email alert.

By clicking on “Submit” you agree that you have read and agree to the Privacy Policy and Terms of Service. See recent outstanding comments. Instead, Sadat “was not really interested in exploiting the initial victories of Egyptian arms, Opinions expressed in assxssination are those of the authors alone and not necessarily those of Daniel Pipes.

Some errors are tangential to the argument: